“This ban on gas-operated semiautomatic firearms is wrapped in vague language that hands unelected officials way too much power to decide which guns get outlawed.”
By Jake McGuigan Focusing on Congress, especially when lawmakers are talking about gun control, is to be expected. Washington, D.C.,
It seems the Supreme Court really doesn’t like to delve into the Second Amendment unless it really really has to.
Red flag laws have been presented as prudent solutions to the problem of violent crime, but any benefits come at the cost of individual due process protections, using an inherently speculative process that punishes individuals for harm that may never occur.
Bondi is due to report back to Trump today in response to his Protecting the Second Amendment executive order.
Giffords’ pivot to actual theater matches their overall approach of using theatrics to push gun control laws that do little to hold criminals accountable for their crimes and instead only penalize law-abiding Americans who exercise their 2A rights.
CRPA and other pro-gun orgs argued that regardless of Mr. Allam’s particular facts, the law is facially unconstitutional because there is no sufficient historical tradition of expansive “buffer zones” around the few sensitive places that did exist in the past.
In the latest battle over gun rights in Washington, lawmakers in both the House and Senate have introduced opposing bills that would either lower or raise the age to legally purchase firearms.
If you’ve been wondering what pro-gun moves the Trump administration has made since taking office on January 20, the gun controllers at Giffords are happy to remind you.
The victims of these due process-free confiscation orders in Michigan, which can and do get issued on the thinnest of accusations, now include three police officers, an 8-year-old and a 6-year-old. And all of their family members, too
